Durbin has met the enemy and it isn’t us

What’s wrong with this statement, besides its content, namely government mixing politics with business?

As a flood of high-cost and reckless lending saturates our nation, Senator Richard Durbin (D-IL) took a crucial and targeted step to clean up abusive consumer lending yesterday by introducing a 36 percent cap on annual interest, a move that will save America’s working middle class billions of dollars.

Got it yet?  OK, I’ll tell you: “reckless lending,” with “abusive . . . lending” a close second, should be “reckless borrowing,” with maybe “self-abusive borrowing a throw-in for good measure.

Dick Turban (as Limbaugh refers to him) wouldn’t know about that. 

This is from his PR release, by the way.

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From Reader D:

 Sen. Turban:  He’s an enabler if you are irresponsible and would like to be part of the permanent underclass receiving hand-outs.

He’s a harsh judge if you are defenders of liberty and believe in personal responsibility.
 
(His one talent: knowing how to turn a belch into a soundbyte on the 10 o’clock news.)

It’s strictly personal with Dick

Dick Durbin’s Republican opponent is “resorting to personal, hateful personal attacks,” a Durbin spokesman told Chi Trib

“I don’t think that’s what people are looking for. I think people are looking for constructive discussion on issues and not scorched-earth, old-style politics.”

No they aren’t.  Personal attacks win elections or tip close ones.  Not that Durbin’s in a close one.  He has a life seat in the U.S. Senate.  But his attacks on personal attacks — this time “personal, hateful personal attacks,” for a double, even triple whammy — are common

“The hottest ring in hell is reserved for those in politics who attack their opponents’ families,” he said on Messy NBC, reacting to criticism of Mrs. O. “And if there are some Republican strategists who think that’s the way to win the election, I think they’re wrong.”

He’s wrong and knows it, which is why he came up with this ring-in-hell business.

On the other hand, he was one of 25 senators voting against condemning “personal attacks” on Gen. Petraeus by a MoveOn.Org last September.  Ah, but that was different, was it not?

September is the cruelest month for Durbin, who in that month in 2005 from the Senate floor, during debate on an energy bill, compared Americans running Guatanomo to “Nazis, Soviets in their gulags, or some mad regime——Pol Pot or others——that had no concern for human beings.”

For which he at first refused to apologize (said Aljazeera in a link now cached-only) but later did, with tears:

“Some may believe that my remarks crossed the line,” the Illinois Democrat said on Tuesday. “To them I extend my heartfelt apologies.”

To the others a wink.

Big O. another Bill C.?

Dick Morris has quite a good rundown here on “Why the race is tied,” including Obama’s carrying “flip-flopping to new heights”:

In the space of a month and a half, this candidate — who we don’t really yet know very well — reversed or sharply modified his positions on at least eight key issues

which he lists.  He also addresses the politico-moral equivalence argument:

Obama’s breathtaking flips and flops are materially different from McCain’s. While McCain had opposed offshore oil drilling and now supports it, the facts have obviously changed. Obama’s shifts have nothing to do with altered circumstances, just a change in the political calendar.

Somebody has even called O. a

“black Bill Clinton,” a turnaround of the “first black president” moniker that had been pinned on Bill.

The comparison has relevance to another phenomenon, the O. campaign being all for itself, and the devil take other Dem candidates, to judge from this at Politico:

After a brief bout of Obamamania, some Capitol Hill Democrats have begun to complain privately that Barack Obama’s presidential campaign is insular, uncooperative and inattentive to their hopes for a broad Democratic victory in November.

R.I.P. Tony Snow

Praise abounds for all-around newsman, commentator, and presidential press secretary Tony Snow — “the best ever, without qualification,” says John Podhoretz

He could speak with fluency, honesty, wit, and clarity on every subject under the sun; he remained poised, unruffled, and as sure of himself at the podium in the press room as he was on that boat in the Potomac nearly two decades earlier.

But this from Brendan Miniter tells about him in a way most memorably:

I last saw Tony several years ago as he was heading out the door of a Starbucks in Alexandria, Va., on his way to work. He wasn’t rushing. He had time for a man who was asking for spare change. Tony reached into his pocket, dug out several coins and at least one bill and handed it to the man. I saw Tony step closer to the man and heard him ask how he was. As the door closed, I couldn’t hear what else he said, but as Tony walked away both were smiling.

Confident in his benevolence.

Magic fund-raiser

John K, Wilson, author of Barack Obama, This Improbable Quest, takes a shot at rebutting Dennis Byrne, who accused O. of flip-flopping in the matter of campaign financing.  Before, he was for it (taking fed money and calling off fund-raising), later he was against it (broken system, can’t condone it, can’t employ it, like a broken PC: can’t use it, you know, have to get a Mac).

Not so, says Wilson, who blogs at www.obamapolitics.com — “Barack Obama is quickly becoming America’s most popular politician” — and has criticized the U. of Colorado committee that punished prof Ward Churchill as “opening the door to a vast new right-wing witch hunt on college campuses that conservatives could easily exploit across the country.” 

“Obama never made an unconditional promise to take public funding,” says Wilson in a letter to Chi Trib editor that identifies him as author of his book, which he would dearly like us all to know about — I didn’t — which is unusual in letter-writer (“Voice of the People”) identifications.  Wouldn’t we all like our books given such display?  The letters editor would be swamped.

To Wilson: What was the condition O. set?  And what’s this “agreement” vs. “promise”?  Publicly made, of course, to gain advantage in campaign sweepstakes.

“I defy Byrne to offer a single example,” says this doughty campaigner-book author. 

Byrne accuses Obama’s campaign of “shading the truth” because “it implies that all the money comes from small contributions of $5, $10 or $20.”

But this was the entire import of O’s agreement-not-a-promise, was it not?  That he as reformer would take the supposed reformer’s path?  Wilson missed that?

Again the bluster, reminiscent of “I would challenge” to Chicago newsies to “dispute that basic fact” — that he’s not a typical Chicago politician:

Unless Byrne can come up with a single example in which Obama’s campaign claimed that all of its money comes from $20 donations or less, he’s “shading the truth” and owes Obama–and his readers–an apology.

En garde, Byrne!  We bloggers at obamapolitics.com want to joust!  Make our day!

Big O. and the gang should call this guy off, especially in view of its claim that this was “an extremely difficult decision.”

Of course.  Breaking (up) an agreement is always hard to do.

Big O. goes to market. Look out!

If Obama wins, we lose?  The market, that satanic vehicle of capitalistic prosperity, is slumping in tandem with his rising as a good bet to make president, notes Stephen Moore in WSJ’s Political Diary.

[I]nvestors are forward-looking and the slide in the dollar and the fall in the market (despite decent corporate profits) have accelerated at the same pace as Mr. Obama’s meteoric political rise over the past nine months.

Yikes!  And he’s still only a senator!

[S]ome smart analysts . . . find a definite inverse correlation between Mr. Obama’s probability of winning the election (as measured by the Intrade political futures market) and the ups and downs of the stock market. Intrade provides a trading market where investors can bet on who will win the election — such betting markets have a record of performing better than polls in forecasting election outcomes.

How so?

Radio host and fund manager Jerry Bowyer notes on CNBC.com that investors would have good reason for wanting to flee U.S. markets ahead of an Obama victory. Increases in capital gains and dividend taxes alone will “mean very large additional levies on investors.” Mr. Bowyer adds: “Of course, this affects stock prices. It is ludicrous to suggest that adding taxes directly on an asset class would have no effect on its value.”

If this guy and U. Mich. economist Mark Perry, maybe the first to spot the correlation are right,

the lousy market in the last few weeks makes sense. Yes, it’s partly a result of Ben Bernanke’s decision not to raise interest rates. But Senator Obama is now trading as a 34% favorite — that is, bettors believe Mr. Obama is 34% more likely to win in November than Republican John McCain. That implies big tax hikes aimed at the returns on investment in the stock market.

It’s O.’s stock in trade, you might say, as a liberal Dem, what Republicans once called tax-and-spenders.  So investors beware.

“If the political winds keep blowing left,” says Dan Clifton of Strategas, an investment advisory firm, “the market is going to tank. In that case, I advise, get out of the market while you still can.”

There’s an answer, of course: McCain can make taxing and spending a major talking point in his campaign and ride it to victory.

You bet your morass it’s a mess

Things are going badly in Springfield, says Rich Miller, who lists problems, including:

Unemployment is rising, yet a jobs-producing capital construction bill for our roads, bridges, schools and mass transit is stuck in limbo.

Reading along, I thought he was going to say a tax-reduction bill was in limbo, or such bill is not being discussed.  But he refers to state spending that would produce jobs. 

Reasonable state spending perhaps, on roads, bridges, etc., assuming those are not bridges to nowhere, and incidentally jobs-producing.  But as it stands, his reference smacks of statist solution to economic problem.

He also says:

Nothing — literally nothing — is being accomplished because the governor and the speaker want to crush each other.

Literally as opposed to when he says nothing but doesn’t mean it?

And finally, he speaks of the “intractable morass” that calls for solution.  Ouch.  Morasses are for avoiding, not solving, and in any case we have here a familiar metaphor matched with the non-metaphorical “intractable.”  Stay non-metaphorical, I say: it makes for precision.

Rev. Jesse and his mouth

Rev. Jesse Jackson is a locker-room mouth from a way back.  In 1969, hearing from a reporter that he’d been a priest, he guffawed.  “You wanted some pussy!”

“I wanted to get married,” the reporter said.

“I know,” he said, laughing.

This was in a Loop hotel room, shortly after he had delivered a stemwinder to the Association of Chicago Priests in a ballroom downstairs, predicting (inaccurately) the departure from ministry of Chicago’s four black priests.

A bodyguard had opened the door for the reporter, who had followed Jesse up to his room after the headline-making speech.  Two others were with Jesse, who was stripped to the waist and eating a banana.  All three were suitably amused.

Yesterday Rev. Jesse said unwittingly on camera that he’d “like to perform an orchiectomy” on Obama for “talking down” to blacks by urging personal responsibility for what happens to them — doing a Cosby, you might say, if not as memorably.

I’m not kidding about NY Sun’s “orchiectomy” — “removal of the testicles, a man’s main source of testosterone,” explains WebMD, never realizing its pertinence to a presidential campaign.

Chi Trib boldly quotes Rev. J’s cutting remark:

“I want to cut his nuts out,” Jackson added [to his whispered criticism], gesturing as if grabbing part of the male anatomy and then pulling.

Kudos to writers John McCormick and Monique Garcia and the Trib copy desk for giving us the true facts of the matter, though their “part of the male anatomy” might have been better stated as “crotch,” as Mike Royko once wrote, wondering why baseball players were always pulling on theirs.  Why?  Maybe to straighten out the cup?

George and Caroline and their son Fred

George II of England and his queen, Caroline, had no use for their son Frederick, Prince of Wales, who returned in 1733 from schooling in his grandfather’s home city or state of Hanover, Germany. He had no use for them either, and some close observers were worried, including Lord Hervey, who discusses it in his Memoirs.

The prime minister, Robert Walpole, urged the parents to make it up with the son, whom their enemies would play against them, but they said no, you don’t know him like we do — and he did turn out a nasty fellow before his death in 1751, nine years before his father’s. There was no use being nice to him, they said; it will only make him worse.

Hervey had already tried, with some success, to mollify the son, whom he had served as advisor. It was a no-win situation, he told him. The king has many enemies, and you all have much to lose, nothing to gain. The prince seemed to take it to heart. Would the parents do so too, if some dared to tell them about the enemies in their midst? Hervey thought so and told Walpole as much.

Walpole agreed that the king should use “supple insinuating arts” to make friends, rather than engage in such a “fierte” — “wildness” or “fierceness” — involving his son and heir, and should cease his “awkward, simple, and proud conduct.” But he was buttering no one up, nor was he spreading cash around, and so no one had a good word for him, in and out of the palace. He had neither “address” enough to do the first nor “liberality” enough to do the latter.

But Walpole would “not dare to tell them of the ticklish situation they are in,” said Hervey, warning him that when matters went bad, he and other ministers would get the blame.

At this point the two interrupted by the Duke of Newcastle, who entered “with as much alacrity and noise as usual . . . in his hand a bundle of papers as big as his head and with little more in them.”

In any case, Hervey eventually warned the royal couple by reporting what he said he heard others say, having got their acquiescence in his not revealing his sources, which were nonexistent. In this way he could give his own ideas as if they were others’ and thus escape censure.